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绡僵绔炲僵 :拒絕身份政治的“局外人”楊安澤

篮球竞彩nba www.xvrnl.com   Andrew Yang Knows How to Fit In. Somehow That’s Making Him an Outlier.


  Last month, Jon Sarlin, a producer at CNN, posted a short video on his Twitter feed — an on-the-street interview with Russell Peterson, a Trump voter who’d had a change of heart. Peterson, with his goatee, tank top and North Carolina twang, came across the way an unimaginative actor might play a Trump supporter on “Saturday Night Live.” But on his head, in lieu of a red MAGA hat, he wore a MATH hat — “Make America Think Harder,” a campaign slogan for Andrew Yang.

  上個月,CNN制片人喬恩·塞林(Jon Sarlin)在他的Twitter上發了個短視頻——對改變心意的特朗普支持者拉塞爾·彼得森(Russell Peterson)的街頭采訪。彼得森留著山羊須、穿著背心,說話帶北卡羅來納口音,就像一個缺乏想像力的演員可能在《周六夜現場》(Saturday Night Live)節目中扮演的特朗普支持者一樣。但他頭上戴的不是紅顏色的MAGA帽子(特朗普總統競選口號“讓的首字母縮寫,而是MATH帽子——“讓美國更認真思考”(Make America Think Harder),這是楊安澤的競選口號。

  “I’m a Yangocrat,” he told Sarlin. “I’m only here on the Democratic side to vote for Andrew Yang, because I would not give you two cents for an establishment Democrat,” he said. “When Andrew Yang talks, you actually hear the solutions to the problems that got Donald Trump elected. We all wanted Donald Trump to go in and drain the swamp. We wanted him to be that larger-than-life outsider, WWE superstar.” He continued: “But he’s actually just the insider, and the country’s only gotten more and more divided.”

  “我是個楊主黨(Yangocrat),”他對塞林說。“我站在民主黨一邊,只是來給楊安澤投票的,因為我個人的意見是,不會支持建制派民主黨人,”他說。“當楊安澤講話時,你實際上會聽到讓唐納德·特朗普(Donald Trump)當選的問題的解決方案。我們當初都想讓唐納德·特朗普進去把沼澤的水抽干(“抽干沼澤”是特朗普的一項競選承諾——譯注)。我們想讓他成為那個卓絕的局外人,世界摔角娛樂公司(World Wrestling Entertainment,簡稱WWE)的超級明星。”他接著說:“但他其實不過是個局內人,國家的分歧也變得越來越大。”

  I sent this video to my Asian friends in the media. It stirred in me an embarrassing pride: Here was a central-casting Trump voter who not only endorsed an Asian-American man for president but also considered him the solution to widespread corruption. But of course this pride was silly — nostalgia for an era when the occasional “Ebony and Ivory” moment marked actual progress.

  我把這個視頻發給了媒體的亞裔朋友。它讓我感到一種尷尬的自豪:這是個再典型不過的特朗普支持者,他不僅支持一個亞裔美國人競選總統,還認為他是解決普遍腐敗問題的良方。當然,這種驕傲是愚蠢的——是對那樣一個時代的懷念,即偶爾出現的“烏木與象牙”(Ebony and Ivory,指黑人與白人)時刻標志著真正的進步。

  Peterson, to his credit, didn’t seem particularly interested in Yang’s identity. He was interested in drawing a line between Yang and “establishment” politicians. Yang is an entrepreneur who grew up in a model immigrant household before graduating from Phillips Exeter Academy and Brown University, but for supporters he remains an outsider. This is partly because he is not a politician and because the central idea of his long-shot candidacy, a universal basic income, isn’t exactly mainstream. But for a disillusioned voter who can’t stomach the Democratic field, Yang evades other key signifiers, too. He is not “woke” in any exhausting way. He avoids negative messaging. And he is not a woman, nor is he white, black or Latino. He manages to be, as Hua Hsu pointed out in a recent New Yorker article, an “Asian Everyman” who plays down “identity politics” and opts for an almost anachronistic message about everyone coming together — one that, in its rosy vagueness, contrasts with the rest of the field’s willingness to dive, however emptily, into thorny questions about busing, reparations or gender equality.

  值得贊揚的是,彼得森對楊安澤的身份似乎不是特別感興趣。他感興趣的,是在楊安澤和“建制派”政客之間劃清界限。楊安澤是一名成長在模范移民家庭的企業家,畢業于菲利普斯??巳刂醒?Phillips Exeter Academy)和布朗大學(Brown University),但對支持者而言,他仍是局外人。部分原因在于,他不是政客,而且其獲勝機會不大的參選核心理念——全民基本收入——也并非完全主流。但對于一個無法忍受民主黨陣營的失望選民來說,楊安澤也避開了其他關鍵的符號。他絲毫沒有什么令人煎熬的“覺醒”。他避免負面信息。他不是女性,也不是白人、黑人或拉丁裔美國人。正如徐華(Hua Hsu)最近在《紐約客》(New Yorker)一篇文章中所指出的,他成功地成為一個淡化“身份政治”的“亞裔普通人”,并選擇傳達一種幾乎不合時代的信息,即每個人都要走到一起——這條信息樂觀的含糊其辭與其他人的意愿形成對比,后者愿意深入探討校車政策、賠款或性別平等這類棘手的問題,無論這些問題多么空洞。

紐約時報中英文網 //www.xvrnl.com/

  For Asian-Americans, Hsu points out, guys like this are familiar, and they are seen as insiders, for the ease with which they can blend into white culture. Yang grew up as one of the only Asians in his hometown, enduring racial abuse and bullying, and you can still spot defense mechanisms in the pragmatic, almost dismissive way he talks about identity today. When Asians like this enter elite workplaces, where they are again surrounded by white people, they tend to use such mechanisms to great effect: They are the so-called model-minority Asians who are “like everyone else,” who don’t “play the race card,” who know how to assure others that they belong. When Yang talks about his immigrant parents, it’s in economic terms, describing the patents his father generated for GE and IBM as “a pretty good deal for the United States.” He has a habit of making light ethnic jokes about himself, like a kid trying to ingratiate himself at a new school: “I’m Asian, so I know a lot of doctors,” or “The opposite of Donald Trump is an Asian man who likes math.” Yang even offered public absolution to Shane Gillis, the comedian who was fired from “S.N.L.” for, among other things, calling Yang a “Jew chink.” His approach to race is the conciliatory style a nonwhite candidate might have adopted years ago — the one Barack Obama took when he talked about being “a skinny kid with a funny name.” It acknowledges racial difference but asks us — self-deprecatingly, a little humiliatingly — to get over it.

  徐華指出,對于亞裔美國人而言,這樣的人很熟悉,他們被視為局內人,因為他們很容易融入白人文化。楊安澤長大時,是家鄉僅有的幾個亞裔之一,忍受著種族虐待和欺凌,如今你仍然可以看到他以務實、幾乎是輕蔑的方式談論身份認同的防御機制。當這樣的亞裔進入精英工作場所,再次被白人包圍,他們往往會利用這樣的機制發揮巨大成效:他們是所謂的模范少數族裔亞裔,“和其他人一樣”,他們不“打種族牌”,知道如何讓別人確信他們屬于這里。當楊安澤談到他的移民父母,他從經濟角度形容父親為通用電氣(GE)和IBM創造的專利“對美國來說是一筆相當不錯的交易”。他有個習慣,喜歡拿自己開一些帶種族色彩的玩笑,就像一個孩子在一所新學校里試圖討好別人:“我是亞洲人,所以我認識很多醫生”或者“特朗普的反面就是一個喜歡數學的亞裔男子”。楊安澤甚至公開原諒肖恩·吉利斯(Shane Gillis),這個被《周六夜現場》 解雇的喜劇演員稱楊安澤是“猶太中國佬”等。他對待種族問題的方式是一個非白人候選人多年前可能采用的和解方式——巴拉克·奧巴馬(Barack Obama)談到自己是個“有著好笑名字的瘦小孩子”時,用的就是這種方式。它承認種族差異,但要求我們——謙遜地、有點屈辱地——克服它。

  For white voters who hate thinking about identity, this may resemble many of the Asian-Americans they know and like. But for progressive, upwardly mobile Asian-Americans — many of whom have aligned their identities with a more modern political consciousness — Yang’s approach has raised hackles. This month, in fact, he met with a collection of Asian-American and Pacific Islander journalists and was peppered with tough questions about his comments on race and the harm they might inflict on others. The minority who has minimized his difference is now seen, by these peers, as the wayward child. 紐約時報中英文網 //www.xvrnl.com


  Some of Yang’s comments have bothered me too. But I’ve been far more interested in Yang’s refusal to engage in polite identity politics. Those of us who think, write and talk about race for a living, crafting provocative deconstructions of power and privilege, have always associated ourselves with some vaguely defined insurgency against a racist reality; regardless of where we work, whether at Harvard or at The New York Times, we locate ourselves first through our identities, and only then through our work and the financial freedoms it affords. But as I read a recent column in The Los Angeles Times about Yang’s meeting, I was struck by something. I knew almost everyone involved, including the column’s author, Frank Shyong, a dear friend. And it seemed to me that there wasn’t a single observer, especially among Asian-Americans, who wouldn’t see most of the people there as the insiders — professionals with enviable educations who use their influence to push ideas about identity derived, in large part, from the cultural-studies programs of elite universities.

  楊安澤的一些言論也困擾著我。但他拒絕參與禮貌的身份政治,這一點令我更感興趣。我們這些以思考、寫作和談論種族問題為生,對權力和特權進行挑釁性解構的人,總是把自己與一些模糊定義的反抗種族主義現實的造反聯系在一起;無論我們在哪里工作,無論是在哈佛還是在《紐約時報》,我們首先通過我們的身份定位自己,然后才通過我們的工作和它所提供的經濟自由定位自己。但當我最近在《洛杉磯時報》(Los Angeles Times)上讀到有關楊安澤見面會的專欄文章時,我被某些東西打動了。我認識文中幾乎所有相關的人,包括專欄作者弗蘭克·熊(Frank Shyong),他是我的好朋友。在我看來,所有觀察者,尤其是亞裔美國人,都會把那篇文章里的大多數人視為內部人士——這些專業人士受過令人羨慕的教育,利用他們的影響力來推動關于身份的觀念,它們相當部分來自精英大學的文化研究項目。

  This is a specific form of multiculturalism, one we’ve come to label “identity politics.” It flourished under Obama’s presidency, especially in our conversations about popular culture. In a time of heightened racial conflict, though, its concerns are showing some wear. When you focus on questions like which Hollywood actors get to play fictional characters, or organize meetings where people with fancy jobs steer a presidential candidate toward their views, anyone who professes not to care about any of these things can easily be anointed a bold outsider. Candidates have rejected identity politics for political appeal before, but I can’t recall a candidate who has done so with as gentle a touch as Yang. People know what those focused on identity would prefer Yang to say, and some seem to admire his quiet refusal to say it. What does that tell us about the ubiquity of these ideas and their possible expiration date?


  Watching Peterson, in that video, you are reminded of the many Americans who may feel refreshed by Yang’s demurrals on race. In the second half of his column, Shyong described going to a Yang rally and interviewing Asian supporters, most of whom said that while they didn’t love Yang’s supposed missteps, they didn’t see them as a big deal. They, I imagine, have a simpler view of representation — the same one that felt so anachronistic when I first watched Sarlin’s interview. The simple view is that Yang matters because he’s an Asian guy running for president. But there’s a less-simple view, too — one in which many people might be coming to see the self-appointed arbiters of racial politics, and the candidates working to satisfy them, as the establishment. Those people will be happy to see anyone willing to break from our rigid prescriptions.




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